Ernest Stanford and the Virtue of Politics

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There are currently thousands of Parliamentary candidates campaigning across the UK for the right to represent their communities’ interests in one of the 650 seats in the House of Commons. The majority of these contenders will be disappointed in their ambitions, however intelligent, compassionate, zealous, or hard-working they are. Success in politics often rests upon the correlation of the individual’s skill and the right circumstances. Some, unfortunately, will always be in the wrong place at the wrong time.

In this season of strenuous electioneering, I am reminded of the example set by my great-great uncle, Ernest Stanford CBE (1894-1966). He died long before I was born, but he has always been celebrated as the only politician of note in my family. Contesting seats at general elections three times in the 1920s and 1930s, he never entered Parliament. But as a local politician and charity fundraiser he had the satisfaction of knowing he had left the world better off than he found it. I hope that his story will be of some inspiration and consolation to those industrious and sincere candidates who will fail at the forthcoming election.

Ernest was born in 1894 in Horsham, Sussex. His paternal grandfather had been a farmer while he followed his father into the butcher’s trade. During the First World War he served in the Royal Army Medical Corps and was involved in the Gallipoli campaign, though invalided home with enteric fever. Later he was connected with the Egyptian Expeditionary Force and was on the Western Front by the end of the conflict.

Aged around 23 he was moved to join the Independent Labour Party, then dominated by its leader Ramsay Macdonald. Ernest would venerate Macdonald and follow him on his controversial political journey. After returning from the war, in 1919 he helped to establish the Crawley Labour Party.

In the 1923 election he was selected as the Labour candidate for Horsham and Worthing. His sole opponent was the incumbent Conservative MP, Earl Winterton. The Tories had held the seat continuously since 1880 and Winterton had been first elected in 1904, so Ernest was always operating at some disadvantage. Indeed, the previous year Winterton had been returned unopposed. In earlier times the seat had been contested by the Liberals, but this was the first time that Labour had put forward a candidate in the constituency. The result was a convincing win for the Conservatives with 17,925 (67%) votes against Ernest’s 8,892 (33%).

Though missing the opportunity to be a part of the first Labour Government under Macdonald’s leadership, Ernest did not abandon his hope of entering Parliament. When another general election was called the next year, Ernest prepared to fight once more. The Times, reporting on campaigning in Sussex noted that Winterton was expected to stand, commenting that

Socialism is being represented by Mr. Ernest Stanford, who suffered something approaching annihilation last time, though Sussex Socialists have the utmost regard for his fighting qualities’ (15 October 1924, p. 8)

If anything, the result was even more firmly in favour of Winterton who, on an increased turnout, gained a considerable 76% of the vote (23,715), with Ernest’s share reduced to 24% (7,537).

Ernest’s next battle was against the radicals in his own party. He was deeply concerned that the electorate consistently confused Socialism with Communism, and he was right to be worried. Just before the 1924 election the ‘Zinoviev letter’ appeared, suggesting that if a Labour Government resumed diplomatic relations with Soviet Russia it would hasten the radicalization of the English working class. Although Labour would probably not have won a majority in any case, it damaged the perception of the party. Ernest was determined to stamp out any suggestion of Communist sympathy in the British Labour party. Writing an open letter to the delegates attending the 1925 Labour conference, he urged them to officially reject Communism and to bar avowed Communists from being members of the Party.

‘We of the Labour Party ought to realise,’ he wrote, ‘that work, hard work, and still harder work is the only way to regain lost markets and to restore Overseas’ trade, and in following this remedy Labour will lose none of its dignity.’

Although a resolution was passed to disaffiliate Communists from the Labour movement, battles between the left and right wings of the Party continued for the rest of the decade.

Ernest seems to have given the 1929 election a miss, but in October 1931 he was selected as the National Labour candidate for West Wolverhampton. This was a brave move for a Socialist politician of the time. MacDonald’s second Labour administration took office just before the crash of 1929 and the Government was soon in financial difficulties. By 1931 MacDonald believed a grand coalition of Conservatives, Liberals, and Labour was the only way forward and called a general election to endorse the National Government. Only a few Labour representatives followed MacDonald’s lead. He was widely derided as an opportunist, a man who was no Socialist, who was more interested in balancing the books than the rights of the working man. The last straw was his acceptance of the recommendation to cut unemployment benefit by 10% (a move incomprehensible in modern politics, even in the depths of austerity).

As a result of Ernest accepting the National nomination he was expelled from the Crawley Labour group that he had helped to found over a decade earlier. In spite of this, Ernest was still an eager follower of MacDonald, even consenting to withdraw from Wolverhampton on nomination day to avoid splitting the National vote and to allow the Conservatives a reasonable chance of recapturing the seat from Independent Labour. He then threw his energies to campaigning on behalf of Macdonald in his constituency of Seaham in County Durham, not that this was an easy option.

On arriving in MacDonald’s constituency he was informed by a railway clerk that no working man could openly support the Prime Minister without being shunned by his neighbours and colleagues. Nonetheless, after a fortnight of intensive campaigning, the tide began to turn in MacDonald’s favour. Ultimately he got home with a majority of 6,000.

Ernest’s efforts as MacDonald’s acolyte in Seaham did not go unnoticed. On 3 June 1933 he was appointed a Commander of the Civil Division of the Order of the British Empire (CBE) for public and political services as a member of the executive of the National Labour Committee. In October the same year he also persuaded MacDonald to come down to Crawley to give a speech.

For the 1935 election, Ernest secured the National nomination for Southwark Central. By his own account, Ernest had a tough time of it contesting the seat. Independent Labour activists attended his meetings armed with megaphones, shouting him down whenever he attempted to address the crowd. His Socialist opponents released a pamphlet the day before polling claiming (wrongly) that if a National government was elected every man’s wage would be reduced by 4s 8½d per week.  Demonstrations of men wearing gas masks parading on Armistice Day did not help matters. When it came to it, Ernest performed better at the polls than ever before, capturing almost 10,000 votes (a 47% share), but this was not enough against the Labour candidate and former MP Harry Day (with 11,000 votes, 53%).

In June 1936 Ernest’s name was mentioned as a possible National candidate for the Derby by-election but nothing came of it. After this he seems to have lost his appetite for Parliamentary contests. Following MacDonald’s death (November 1937) Ernest still continued to work for the National Labour Organisation and in 1939 he was elected to its Executive Committee, representing the National Labour Candidates’ Association.

It was during the 1930s that he began to pursue other interests. Utilising his persuasive and organizational skills he served as the National Appeals Organiser for the British Empire Cancer Campaign (1932-1939), now Cancer Research UK, at a time when fundraising for cancer charities was in its infancy. At the start of the Second World War he diverted his attention to organising appeals for St Dunstan’s, the institution for blind war veterans, a responsibility he undertook for the next 20 years.

Ernest did not lose his interest in politics but now concentrated on local issues. In 1947 he became Chairman of Crawley Parish Council, the year after the New Towns Act had identified Crawley as a site for radical development. The plans envisaged the small town growing from a population of 9,000 to 40,000 by the early 1960s. Ernest had an important role to play in this as vice-chairman of the Crawley Development Corporation during the 1950s. Never marrying, he died in April 1966 at his home at Angmering-on-Sea, named reverently if tastelessly ‘Stanwells’ (a combination of his surname and his mother’s maiden name Wells). In its small obituary, The Times took most notice not of his failed political ambitions, but his charitable endeavours.

Though he never achieved his dream of entering Parliament, Ernest served the local community and its institutions. He helped to transform Crawley (for better or worse) from a small town with satellite villages into one of the urban areas needed for Britain’s expanding postwar population. His work in fundraising for cancer research and blind servicemen made a real difference to the sick and wounded.

The lesson I wish to give to those electoral candidates who will inevitably fall short on polling day is that elections are not everything. You all wish to help the people in your communities and across the country and you believe that you have the skill and determination to do this. And even if you fail in your aim, you can still serve your country, your community, your neighbours. It may be that your constituents’ loss may be another’s gain.

How far can UKIP rise? What the European Elections tell us

Over the last few weeks much interest has been expressed in the rise of the UK Independence Party (UKIP), its anticipated and actual successes in the local and European elections, and the implications for next year’s General Election. All the major parties fear this movement will drain their support and prevent any of them from securing a governing parliamentary majority in 2015.

It had previously been feared that the Conservatives stood to lose most from UKIP’s growth, as the Eurosceptic premise chimed with many Tory voters’ fears. However, it should be remembered that despite appearances to the contrary there is a strong vein of opposition to the EU running through the Labour Party, dating back to its opposition to EC entry in the 1970s. At these elections, while Labour improved its position by 8.6%, this was only to the level it reached in 2004. The results have produced some soul-searching in Labour. The veteran MP and former minister Frank Field has urged the party to seriously consider the concerns of so many people about the relationship of the UK to the EU, to the extent of promising a referendum on membership. This was opposed by Tony Blair, while Ed Miliband has stood firm to the position that he will not seek a referendum unless there is a further loss of sovereign power from this country.

The Conservative vote declined, but not as much as expected. Among the major parties the Liberal Democrats suffered worst, seeing their share of the Euro vote decline from 13.8% (2009) to 6.6%; they lost all but one of their MEPs. Since the last European election the Lib Dems lost 1 million votes, while UKIP gained 2 million supporters. The Liberal Democrats cannot be said to be ignorant of the appeal of UKIP to some sections of the electorate, with the leader Nick Clegg engaging Nigel Farage in a series of public debates.

Interestingly, the Green Party held its vote at virtually the same level as in 2009, around 1 million, while the BNP polled only 180,000 votes across the UK (of 16.5 million voting), losing both its MEPs. So it is not a simple question of voters becoming intolerant or seeking after extremism. It may simply be that many feel that the European Union is not working for them and that UKIP is the only party that appears (erroneously) to offer them a way out.

While the results of the Euro vote are a blow to Britain making a positive and constructive contribution to the debates in the European Parliament, which still represents the best way for this country to influence EU-wide legislation, is this election in any way indicative of what would happen at a General Election?

Although you would not think so, UKIP has never won a seat in the House of Commons. The best performance at a parliamentary election was at Eastleigh in February 2013. There the UKIP candidate Diane James secured 27.8% of the vote, coming 2nd. This was still some way short of the winning Liberal Democrats’ 32.06%. While the Conservatives and Labour were pushed into 3rd and 4th place respectively, this was not necessarily the victory it seemed. It should be remembered that this was a by-election, where many voters (rightly or wrongly) see the opportunity to register a vote of protest or back a less conventional candidate than they would at a General Election. Furthermore, the election had been brought about by the resignation of the Liberal MP Chris Huhne after lying about a speeding offence. It was always likely that such circumstances would decrease the Liberal Democrat vote, but as the seat had been held by the party since 1994, it was unlikely that UKIP could ever realistically take the seat.

In 2010 Nigel Farage finished in 3rd place in Buckingham, the seat of the Speaker John Bercow, though he gained only 17% of the vote there. This is the best ever result for UKIP at a General Election.

A look at historical vote share for the parties in European and General Elections may be instructive here. While UKIP topped the poll in the latest Euro elections, with 26.6%, there is a long running trend for UKIP’s popularity to far outstrip its power in domestic elections. Its rise during the late 1990s and early 2000s is astonishing: 1% in 1994, 7% in 1999.  Five years later they surpassed the Lib Dems, gaining 16.1%. In 2009 it had 16.6%, beating all but the Conservatives. The latest result is not a new threat but a steady trend of popular Euroscepticism.

Euro Vote Share 1979-2014

European results also bear very little comparison with outcomes at forthcoming general elections. The 16% UKIP gained in the 2009 Euro elections translated to only 3% at the 2010 General Election. In 1989 Labour had a 6% lead over the Conservatives, but at the 1992 General Election they were 7% behind the Tories. As can be seen from the graph, the voting in European elections is far more erratic than in those for the UK Parliament.

GE Vote Share 1979-2010

Looking at domestic politics, UKIP have made slow and steady progress. Its share of the national vote at general elections started small. In 1997 they accounted for a mere 0.3%, growing to 1.5% in 2001. The rise continued to 2.2% in 2005, finally reaching 3.1% at the last election. Although in terms of votes polled nationally UKIP is the 4th party, the Liberal Democrats (3rd) had 6 million votes more. As seen above, it has been nowhere near winning a parliamentary seat. And with the first-past-the-post system, for better or worse, that position does not really seem likely to change.

The message I wish to convey to the major parties is this. Be aware of UKIP and its presentation of the European Union as a connection of no value to Britain. Put forward your case for embracing the benefits of membership or the need for internal reform. But do not let this dominate the message you give to the people. UKIP, despite its protestations to the contrary is by its very nature a single-issue party. The Conservative, Liberal Democrat, and Labour parties all have their positions on the governance of the nation and its economy. These powerful messages should not be sidelined by a party of increasing intolerance led by a charming demagogue. The death of the three-party system has been greatly exaggerated.